Publikationer

Travel support for public transport today usually takes no or little account of the traveler’s personal needs and current context. Thereby, travelers are often suggested irrelevant travel plans, which may force them to search for information from other sources. In particular, this is a problem during unplanned disturbances. By incorporating the traveler’s context information into the travel support, travelers could be provided with individually tailored information. This would especially benefit travelers who find it more difficult than others to navigate the public transport system. Furthermore, it might raise the accessibility and general attractiveness of public transport. This paper contributes with an understanding of how information about the traveler’s context can enhance the support provided by travel planners, in the case of disturbances in public transport. In particular, the paper includes a high-level analysis of how and in which situations context information can be useful. The analysis shows how information about the traveler’s context can improve travel planners, as well as highlights some risks in relation to some identified scenarios. Several technologies for retrieving information about the physical context of the traveler are also identified. The study is based on a literature review, a workshop, and interviews with domain experts.

This study suggests an optimization framework to plan and design a network of bike lanes in an urban context, based on equity principles and subject to a given available budget. The novelty of the proposal consists in an objective function that aims at minimizing the existing inequities among different population groups in terms of accessibility/opportunity to the bikeways. The proposed methodology represents a reliable decision support system tool that could help transport authorities/managers to select the priority areas of their future investments related to the cycling infrastructures. To prove the effectiveness and value of the methodology, an application with relevant analysis to a test case study is presented

Denna litteraturstudie är kopplad till ett forskningsprojekt som handlar om kollektivtrafikens marknader i Sverige. När en ny kollektivtrafiklag trädde i kraft 2012 var syftet att vidga utbudet av aktörer på kollektivtrafikmarknaderna, stärka konkurrensen samt öka andelen resenärer som åker kollektivt. De regionala kollektivtrafikmyndigheterna (RKM) fick i uppdrag att upprätta marknadsanalyser samt definiera och besluta om allmän trafikplikt. Utifrån detta upphandlas sedan trafiken. Tidigare omfattande forskning om upphandling av kollektivtrafik har främst berört kontrakt och upphandling utifrån kontraktsekonomi och kontraktsdesign. De utomkontraktsliga faktorer som formar kontrakten på en marknad har däremot inte studerats Med inspiration från ny ekonomisk sociologi och organisationsteori kommer denna litteraturstudie att kartlägga vilka teoretiska begrepp och ramverk som kan användas för att förstå och förklara hur kollektivtrafiken i Sverige fungerar. Ny ekonomisk sociologi och organisationsteori kan bidra med nya perspektiv på hur dessa marknader fungerar då de blottlägger de utbyten och relationer som kringgärdar och i praktiken formar avtalen. I dessa processer är standarder och standardiseringsprocesser centrala eftersom de tydliggör och fördelar risk mellan parterna. Likaså är de olika aktörernas kalkylativa praktiker viktiga för att förstå hur anbuden formar marknaden, samt hur marknadsmisslyckanden påverkar kollektivtrafikmarknadens organisering. Med stöd i valda delar av nämnda teorier kan, innovativ och nyttig kunskap genereras om hur kollektivtrafikmarknaderna i Sverige fungerar. Förutom att bidra till att höja kunskapsnivån i branschen, är målet på sikt är att kunna ge förslag på hur nya arbetssätt och metoder skulle kunna utvecklas.

Urban transport is critical in shaping the form and function of cities, particularly the level of automobile dependence and sustainability. This paper presents a detailed study of the urban transport eco-urbanism characteristics of the Stockholm, Malmö, Göteborg, Linköping, and Helsingborg urban regions in southern Sweden. It compares these cities to those in the USA, Australia, Canada, and two large wealthy Asian cities (Singapore and Hong Kong). It finds that while density is critical in determining many features of eco-urbanism, especially mobility patterns and particularly how much public transport, walking, and cycling are used, Swedish cities maintain healthy levels of all these more sustainable modes and only moderate levels of car use, while having less than half the density of other European cities. Swedish settlement patterns and urban transport policies mean they also enjoy, globally, the lowest level of transport emissions and transport deaths per capita and similar levels of energy use in private passenger transport as other European cities, and a fraction of that used in lower density North American and Australian cities. Swedish urban public transport systems are generally well provided for and form an integral part of the way their cities function, considering their lower densities. Their use of walking and cycling is high, though not as high as in other European cities and together with public transport cater for nearly 50% of the total daily trip making, compared to auto-dependent regions with between about 75% and 85% car trips. The paper explores these and other patterns in some detail. It provides a clear depiction of the strengths and weaknesses of Swedish cities in urban transport, some key policy directions to improve them and posits possible explanations for some of the atypical patterns observed

This final report presents the results of 124 urban transport related indicators for 2015 for Sweden’s five most populous urban regions and compares them with each other and against cities in the USA, Australia, Canada, Europe and two large cities in Asia (Singapore and Hong Kong). Results indicate that Swedish cities are atypically low in density, and high in roads and freeways compared to most other European cities. Partly resulting from these conditions, Swedish cities on average have much lower public transport boardings than typical European cities (roughly half), but at the same time they are much better than in the more auto-dependent regions in the USA, Australia and Canada where densities are also low. Notwithstanding their moderate public transport use, their normalised farebox and operating costs data are relatively similar to the other cities in the study. Public transport use measured by passenger kilometres is closer to European levels due to the longer distances travelled by public transport in Swedish cities. Modal split of daily trips is also just under 50% for public transport, walking and cycling combined, meaning that modal share in these five Swedish urban regions is pivoted rather equitably between the more sustainable and less sustainable modes. Car use per person (vehicle kilometres) is only a little higher in the Swedish cities and passenger kilometres per person in cars are about the same compared to typical European cities. The percentage of total motorised passenger kilometres accounted for by public transport is much higher than in the USA, Canada and Australia, but less than in other European and in Asia cities. Energy use in private motorised passenger transport is, due to comparable car use levels, like that in other European cities and very much lower than in the auto-cities of North America and Australia. The Swedish cities excel in their extremely low transport emissions per capita and low spatial intensity of emissions (per hectare) compared to every other region in the world and even the worst Swedish cities are better than the best of the other cities. Likewise, in transport fatalities, Swedish cities are the lowest in the world. Some factors that seem to contribute to the above sometimes paradoxical situations are that: a. Swedish cities have significantly lower car ownership than might be expected, lower even than other European cities and average wealth levels in 2015, as measured by metropolitan GDP are below typical European levels (though comparable to 2005/6 levels Australian and Canadian cities). b. These five Swedish cities have comparatively low parking supply in their CBDs and a relatively high proportion of metropolitan jobs located in the CBDs, which assists public transport in the journey-to-work. c. despite low densities, Swedish cities have developed relatively well-performing and more extensive public transport systems than many comparable lower density cities – they have healthy levels of service in terms of seat kilometres per capita, only eclipsed by other European cities and the Asian cities. However, seat occupancy is comparatively low, indicating generous levels of spare capacity that could be utilised through better urban planning to create back-loading of passengers. d. Swedish cities have the highest level of public transport line length per persons, as well as high levels of reserved public transport route per person, although they are also well-endowed with freeways, which tends to undercut this advantage. e. average operating speeds for public transport in Sweden seem to be higher than most other cities and public transport overall enjoys a modest speed advantage over car speeds. f. Swedish cities spend relatively generous amounts of money operating their public transport systems, on average about 1.34% of their local GDPs, which significantly exceeds that of the auto-dependent regions, and is close to the other European cities (1.50%). g. cost recovery from fares of public transport operating costs is on average a bit less than 50% and less on average that the other global cities. This may be partly indicative of a recognition in Sweden of the proven value of public transport systems in helping to create urban regions that are only moderately car dependent by developed world standards, despite lower densities, because farebox recovery takes no account of public transport’s broader economic benefits and h. Swedish cities have significant areas of urban fabric that are supportive of non-motorised modes and where walking and cycling is high, leading to over 27% of daily trips in Swedish cities by these modes, despite a very cold climate. Three key weaknesses that have emerged in Swedish cities are: (a) their overall low density that would benefit from targeted increases in higher density development, especially linked to expanded and improved public transport, especially rail. Stockholm is by far the best of the Swedish cities in sustainable transport and although it is still overall a relatively low-density region, it is bound together by strong urban rail networks around which very high density, mixed use centres have been built; (b) the need to restrict further development of already abundant freeway systems in all five of the Swedish cities and (c) an over-reliance on bus systems and the need for more extensive urban rail networks. A major difference between Swedish and European cities generally is that European cities have three times higher rail use and this is a critical distinguishing feature in the lower public transport use in Swedish cities.